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India in the 21st Century: Growing Holocaust and Genocide, high time for action to prevent extremism


Introduction

Since its inception as an independent country in 1947, India has been the target of terrorism and violent extremism.Initially, extremism was thought to be triggered by a form of political dispensation or political structure in place in a country that was unpopular with the majority of the population.Extremism has taken many forms in India, ranging from Left Wing Extremism (i.e. cultural extremism) to religious radicalism and extremism leading to violent acts.

Religious radicalism and extremism have always existed in India, in some form or another, due to the multi-religious existence of the Indian state and a variety of other contextual factors. The third form of extremism in India is ethno-nationalist extremism, which seeks to break away from the country.Consider insurgent group activities in North East India, where the situation is now under control and many insurgent groups have entered the mainstream.


Terriorism

With the rise of Islamic State in 2014, and the subsequent mobilisation of Indian Muslim youth as foreign terrorist fighters in IS-controlled areas in Iraq and Syria, radicalization has become a new threat for India. To combat this, India has launched a range of de-radicalization programmes aimed at preventing radicalization and extremism, which has resulted in the recruitment of young Indian Muslims by terrorist organisations.

Terrorism is divided into four groups by the Indian government:Ethno-nationalists are a kind of ethno-nationalist (ethnicity-led terror groups, with the intention of separating from the Indian state); Terrorism motivated by religion; Left Wing Extremism (LWE) is a socio-political movement focused on (Communist) economic theory, in which socio-political systems are challenged by "violent revolution."; Narco-terrorism, or drug-related violence and terror, is a form of terrorism that involves the use of illegal drugs.



Political violence

In urban India, political violence has quietly emerged as the most significant form of mass violence. The violence isn't limited to cities with a bad reputation for violence. A city like Mumbai has many of the cultural manifestations. It has one of India's most colourful theatre traditions.However, it is also a city where political violence erupted in the aftermath of the Babri Masjid issue, resulting in mass murders. Putting the cart before the horse by equating mass political violence in our cities with political crime would, however, be a mistake. Criminals would not be in politics because it provided them with a platform to show their criminality.The unsettling reality is that the political class created this room for crime in order to satisfy a voter demand. Indians, particularly those who live in cities, have become increasingly self-righteous.


The first section of the lesson appeals to modern Indian leaders, although the second does not. They are looking for icons that can unite disparate groups of people. The Ram temple question, with its ability to reach out to a diverse group of Hindus, has arguably been the most fruitful of these efforts in recent times.Because of the severity of the abuse, it might seem that there is nothing we can do but beat our breasts about the fall in political norms. However, we must take a step back and acknowledge that this room for crime was developed when reason and morality gave way to a predetermined political role.It is undeniably a long and difficult journey to reclaim the room for reason and morality, but it is essential to begin somewhere. To begin, a museum for victims of mass violence in India, similar to the Holocaust museum, would be beneficial. It is by reminding ourselves and future generations of how horrific the Sikh riots, Gujarat riots, Mumbai riots, and other riots have been that we will move forward.


Violent Protest by the People against the Government

Normally, people resort to violence when all other constitutional options have failed. People's violent demonstrations take several different forms. Unorganized mobs' violent demonstrations cause widespread harm when they target government icons such as government buildings, railways, and buses.They attempt to sabotage the government's daily operations. This form of violence is intermittent in nature and fades away after a demonstration has been registered. However, as a result of the violent riotings, governments are changing their strategies to prevent the spread of crime.Well-organized organisations mobilise citizens against the government and use various forms of resistance. Strikes, "bandhs," and hartals are all declared. They occasionally organise violent protests and morchas. If the government's central authority is weak and untrustworthy, a well-organized protest could bring the government down.This, however, is uncommon. Otherwise, since the government employs coercive measures to monitor the mobs, the effect of their violent demonstrations is only temporary.


Violence on women

Rape has been used as a form of punishment for a family member's "crime." In Baghpat, Uttar Pradesh, an all-male caste council ordered a 23-year-old Dalit woman and her 15-year-old sister to be raped and paraded nude as punishment for their brother eloping with a married woman from the powerful Jat caste in August 2015.Rape has even gained social acceptance.After a gang rape in Delhi in December 2012, rape and sexual harassment were thrust into the spotlight by the media. It ignited nationwide anger and demonstrations, forcing the government to introduce tougher legislation. Despite the fact that the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act of 2013 provides for a broader definition of rape and more stringent punishment, including a longer prison sentence in most cases of sexual harassment and even the death penalty for repeat offenders and cases resulting in the victim's death, the incidence of rape in India has not decreased.


The number of cases of violence against women in the country is steadily rising. According to India's National Crime Record Bureau, one dowry death occurs every 78 hours, one act of sexual assault occurs every 59 minutes, one act of rape occurs every 34 minutes, one act of torture occurs every 12 minutes, and nearly one out of every three married women has encountered domestic violence.Violence was registered in 19–76% of women in India (75–76%) in lower caste women; 42–48 percent in Uttar Pradesh and 36–38 percent in Tamil Nadu; and 19% in an urban slum population of childless women), according to studies. Domestic abuse was linked to 15.7 percent of pregnancy-related deaths in the community and 12.9 percent of pregnancy-related deaths in the hospital in Western India. In Uttar Pradesh, 30% of men reported being beaten by women. 34% of those physically assaulted required medical attention.


In reality, over the last ten years, the number of confirmed rape cases has risen by 31%. Clearly, the severity of the penalty is ineffective in deterring rape. The assurance of retribution can serve as a deterrent to criminal activity.The criminal justice system in India is mostly male, misogynistic, and upper-caste dominated. In these conditions, a Dalit woman's chances of obtaining justice are slim.Sexual harassment cannot be prevented by telling girls and women not to go out alone or to dress and act in a culturally acceptable, male-mandated manner.Rather, we must instil in boys and men (as well as women) the understanding that violence is not masculinity, and that being macho is not “cool.” Sexual violence can only be addressed by addressing misogynistic mindsets among men and women, as well as undermining the patriarchal facets of the sanskar that people like Singh uphold.


Religious Violence

In 2005, the interior ministry introduced the Communal Violence (Prevention, Control, and Rehabilitation of Victims) Bill in the upper house of parliament in an attempt to legislate against religious violence. The bill aimed to address the prevention and enforcement of religious abuse, as well as the speedy prosecution and trial process and victim recovery. Special courts were created.In December 2006, the bill was referred to a parliamentary standing committee, which issued a report. The inclusion of genocide as a crime against humanity in clause 2 of the bill was one of the recommendations made by the standing committee.


Unfortunately, the bill was never passed and was subsequently withdrawn in February 2014, just months after the riots in Muzaffarnagar, Uttar Pradesh. In 2014, India saw 66,378 cases of rioting or offences “promoting enmity between different groups,” according to data from the National Crime Records Bureau.


Although there seems to be no hope of legislation on genocide and crimes against humanity being passed in the near future, there is a silver lining. The judiciary has sounded the alarm by admitting that mass crimes of a genocidal nature have occurred. A Delhi district court sentenced a man to death in November for his part in the 1984 violence.

The judge stated that "victims of mass genocide" cannot be abandoned and that fair trials are needed. The fact that even the lower judiciary recognises the gravity of genocide is a positive sign, and one hopes that the legislature will see fit to do so in the future.

METHODS OF OVERCOMING VIOLENCE

The state uses three different methods to overcome violence which are as follows:

1) the remedial method of liberals which believes in reforms :It is important for the government to take corrective steps in order to minimise public discontent and frustration. Basic social and economic reforms should be implemented to address social and economic concerns.It entails providing citizens with equal opportunities, lowering the tax burden, ensuring a fair distribution of income, and removing all state and societal barriers. It is important to treat all members of society fairly.The liberals believe in education and try to teach people that, in the end, using violence is immoral because it brings out the most primitive aspects of man. Since they have learned to suppress aggression, humans have achieved extraordinary feats. Man has devised a new set of guidelines for peacefully resolving disputes.People would be persuaded by economic compulsions in the national and international economy that they could benefit more in peace than in war. Violence is incapable of resolving society's fundamental issues. As a result, liberals want people to understand how the constitutional machinery works in order to settle disputes.To reduce crime, they want the government to use the least amount of force possible.They believe that the best way to solve society's fundamental problems is by agreement and contract.


2) the method of force :Many who use force conclude that the rebels have deliberately chosen the path of violence and that they cannot be convinced to change their minds. Rebel violence should be countered by state superior violence, because if you can't kill insurgents, they'll kill you. The government should beef up its intelligence services and strive to break into terrorists' inner sanctuaries.It should pursue a strategy of dissension and punishment, isolating and perplexing the insurgents. The king should take action against the revolt's leaders, according to Kautilya's Arthashastra, since it is the leaders who provide the revolt's leadership. He should never use force against a large group of citizens because it could lead to widespread bloodshed.He should plan his response in light of the various groups of people's perspectives, and he should ensure that international funding for the insurgents is halted. Though he advocated for the use of force to suppress rebellion, he was quick to point out that the root of the rebellion must be tackled.


3) the method of carrot and stick policy : The 'carrot and stick' strategy is a two-pronged approach to pushing a wedge between the opposition's moderate and radical elements. The government should reward progressives with incentives and compromises while continuing to wage military operations against extremists. The extremists will lose support if the moderates can build support for an agreement with the government.However, if moderates fail to gain support, extremists can brand them as government agents, destroying their support base. As a result, the carrot-and-stick approach must be used with caution.


The Plan of Action

This Plan of Action integrates respect for and promotion of international human rights standards, in particular the right to freedom of expression and opinion, freedom of religion or belief and peaceful assembly. The recommendations contained in the Plan of Action are relevant to a range of situations and can contribute to the prevention of human rights violations and abuses, violent extremism, conflict and different forms of violence.The Plan of Action is meant to be used as a programming tool. Its goal is to educate and advise religious leaders and actors, as well as other relevant players, about how they can contribute to reducing violence, and to include options and guidance on how they can do so.

The Plan of Action consists of nine groups of thematic recommendations which are organised into three main clusters.


PREVENT: 1. Specific actions to prevent and counter incitement to violence 2. Prevent incitement to violent extremism 3. Prevent incitement to gender-based violence

STRENGTHEN 4. Enhance education and capacity building 5. Foster interfaith and intra-faith dialogue 6. Strengthen collaboration with traditional and new media 7. Strengthen engagement with regional and international partners

BUILD 8. Build peaceful, inclusive and just societies through respecting, protecting and promoting human rights 9. Establish networks of religious leaders

The Plan of Action's implementation could help to deter atrocity crimes, especially in areas where religious and sectarian tensions and violence exist. Its implementation will also improve human rights respect, security, and promotion, including the right to freedom of speech, religion or belief, and peaceful assembly.


Some methodologies pointers

1) Use local police and law enforcement to deter or actively prevent those at risk of engaging in terrorism, which India can still do. 2)Raise awareness of ethnic, linguistic, and cultural differences, as well as the importance of racial, linguistic, and cultural harmony. 3)Collaborate with non-governmental organisations (NGOs), schools, community centres, and religious organisations. 4) Community and civil society empowerment. 5)Online and offline messaging and counter-messaging. 6) addressing cause driving (push and pull) factors that lead people down the extremist route. 7) eliminating ISIL’s leadership and shrinking its safe havens.8)cutting off the flow of foreign fighters that fill its ranks. 9)building the military, intelligence, and governance capacity of coalition partners.stemming access to financial resources. 10)dealing with the underlying grievances (many of which are the same structural conditions associated with risk for mass atrocities


Conclusion

The state can use a variety of approaches to combat crime, but it must first attempt to eliminate the root causes of unrest. According to Kautilya, simply killing the rebels would not put an end to the revolt. It is critical to eliminate the trigger that is breeding new rebels.Terrorism's womb is state abuse, its crib is betrayal and humiliation, and vengeance is its mother's milk. As a result, states committed to their colonial interests by intimidation are unlikely to recognise that political aggression and terrorism are both a reaction to their policies and a style imitation.States should restructure their policies on the basis of justice and fairness, and avoid oppressing classes, countries, and ethnic groups in order to eliminate the root cause of abuse.


States are entrusted with the function and duty of upholding law and order under the current federal system of government, but there have been far too many instances in which they have either refused to act decisively or even abdicated that responsibility, resulting in massive human and property loss. India is working on a law to protect people who have been harmed by communal abuse. Existing laws have been found to be ineffective in preventing and prosecuting such abuse. Identity-based or targeted crimes, as well as organised mass violence, are designated as special offences in the current communal violence law. While it suggests punishments for officials on the ground who fail to perform their duties, it also establishes culpability and specifies the type of penalty for higher-ups in the chain of command. It also suggests that special agencies be established at both the national and state levels to ensure that elected officials are held accountable. In cases of bad faith by elected officials and governments, such an authority can oversee and investigate allegations, as well as issue advisories and recommendations.


Debasmita Basu Ray


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